Editorial: NATO Is Not Dead

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President Donald Trump meets with NATO Secretary Mark Rutte in the Oval Office, March 13, 2025. (Photo credit: wikicommons/The White House)

In recent weeks, a familiar reflex has taken hold among commentators on both sides of the Atlantic: panic. President Donald Trump’s reckless talk about Greenland, his disdainful rhetoric toward NATO allies and his erratic style have prompted a flood of commentary declaring the trans-Atlantic alliance all but finished and the postwar world order effectively dead.

The anxiety is understandable. Trump’s conduct is destabilizing. Allies are right to be unsettled by a U.S. president who treats alliances as transactional, diplomacy as theater and international norms as optional. But it is a mistake to confuse volatility with collapse — and a greater mistake to assume that Trump’s words represent America’s permanent direction.

We are going to have to live with Trump’s mercurial presidency for the next three years. There will be more bumps, more rhetorical landmines and more moments when allies brace for impact. But history suggests that America’s fundamentals — institutional, economic, military and political — will not be remade by one presidency, no matter how disruptive.

That distinction matters. Trump’s flirtation with acquiring Greenland was extraordinary, even alarming. Yet what followed was also revealing: no invasion, no treaty rupture, no withdrawal from NATO, no abandonment of U.S. forces in Europe. After diplomatic backlash and internal constraint, the administration retreated. This pattern — bluster followed by limits — is not comforting, but it is not evidence of systemic collapse.

Much of the current commentary treats Trumpism as destiny rather than as a phase. It assumes that because Trump questions NATO, NATO is therefore ending; that because America’s attention is divided, Europe is suddenly on its own; that because U.S. rhetoric is harsher, U.S. commitments are void. That logic does not hold.

NATO today is not a hollow shell. It is larger than at any point in its history, with new members brought in precisely because Russian aggression has reminded Europe why collective defense matters. European defense spending is rising, coordination is deepening and deterrence — while imperfect — has held. None of this looks like an alliance in its final days.

Nor is Europe’s growing talk of “strategic autonomy” a sign of divorce. It is, in many ways, the long-overdue maturation of a partnership that Americans across the political spectrum have encouraged for decades. A Europe that can do more for its own defense strengthens NATO; it does not bury it.

There is also a danger in overstating the permanence of Trump’s worldview. Even if his instincts resonate with parts of the electorate, they do not erase Congress, the military chain of command, the foreign policy bureaucracy, treaty law, or the likelihood that a future administration will actively work to repair alliances — as has happened before after periods of strain.

World order is not undone by rhetoric alone. It erodes through sustained policy choices over time. What we are witnessing now is real disruption, not irreversible rupture.

The responsible response is vigilance without fatalism; adaptation without surrender to panic. Allies should hedge, prepare and press Washington where necessary — but they should not write NATO’s obituary every time Trump takes to social media.

Trump is not America. And this moment, unsettling as it is, does not mark the end of the trans-Atlantic project. Overreaction risks becoming its own form of damage — one we cannot afford.

2 COMMENTS

  1. Let’s not panic about Trump’s methods of dealing with foreign policy it’s the results that determine his success or failures. Those results include Hamas’ loss of control of Gaza, Hezbollah swept away from the Israeli border and in retreat, Iran’s nuclear program in rubble and it’s fascistic regime dealing with massive riots, the removal of Maduro as the dictator of Venezuela along with the loss of Chinese and Russian influence in that now freed nation, the Panama canal freed from increasing Chinese influence and control. For the first time in 75 years Cuba’s communist rule is on the brink of failure and the rest of South America is moving away from Iranian, Chinese and Russian influence due to Trump’s winning policies above.
    The cherry on the cake is, for the first time in years, Israel no longer faces aggressive attacks from it’s neighbors who surround it.
    The countries that make up NATO, are for the first time not only meeting their 2% GDP minimum but are on their way to a 5% goal of helping NATO to combat threats on the European continent.
    If all this represents instability, bluster disruption and anxiety, we need more of it, in fact more of it on steroids. Argue all you want with his methods but the reality is he’s accomplished more in one year than any Democratic leader could ever imagine in his wildest dreams.

  2. The NATO nations have been relative freeloaders for many decades, sitting back and letting Americans pay for their defense, and even stationing troops and bases in Europe to ensure that it remains free. Rich Western European countries like Denmark have enjoyed the umbrella of U.S. security since World War II and have only occasionally reciprocated the assistance by actions that show they are ready to share the burden.

    While, thanks to Trump’s advocacy on the issue, many NATO allies are now paying for more of their defense, the current situation remains one in which America is still largely subsidizing European defense, despite heightened regional concerns because of Russian aggression against Ukraine. And rather than that assistance doled out in legislation labeled as “aid,” much of what U.S. taxpayers give to Europe is hidden in the U.S. defense budget, making it harder to see just how indebted these nations are to their generosity.

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